The Riot Room: The Riot Room's beer and music
The Riot Room's beer and music
Such a fun place for live music with friends! If you aren't into the louder inside scene you can go outside, thats where my friends and I headed. And just a little piece of advice, the better you tip, the better the service and stronger the drink you'll get!
Eight One Sixty Episode #308: The Riot Room
On this week's episode of the Eight One Sixty, we're celebrating The Riot Room! For 13 years, The Riot Room has been hosting shows here in KC, and owners Tim and Dallas Gutschenritter have worked hard to run a great venue. They recently launched a GoFundMe to stay afloat.
This week on the show, we&rsquoll do a deep dive into The Riot Room, as well as talk about some of our favorite shows and stories from our many (many) nights at the venue over the last decade.
If you&rsquore missing shows and the conversations you have with people between sets, this will be a fun show for you. I&rsquom hoping if you were at any of these shows, or have similar stories of seeing great bands at Riot and how they&rsquove left a lasting impression on you, you&rsquoll consider throwing a few bucks in the hat for their GoFundMe page.
Hat tip to Dallas, Timmy, and their crew over the years for giving KC a great space to see live music, and hopefully we&rsquoll get back to doing that soon.
Gay history of San Francisco Edit
The American settlers who moved west toward California in the 18th and 19th centuries were largely male prospectors and miners. Events such as the California Gold Rush created a broadly male society in that region. Romantic friendships were common, and often tolerated.  As San Francisco was settled the ratio of men to women remained disproportionately high, resulting in the growth of a culture that was more open-minded towards homosexuality. The city's notorious brothel district – named the Barbary Coast – earned the city a reputation as a lawless and amoral society leading to San Francisco becoming known as "Sodom by the Sea." 
The end of Prohibition prompted the opening of several gay bars along North Beach. The most notable of these were the Black Cat where female impersonation shows became the main draw, and a lesbian bar known as Mona's. 
During World War II, San Francisco became a major debarkation point for servicemen stationed in the Pacific Theater. The U.S. military, which was concerned about male homosexuality, had a policy of dismissing servicemen caught in known gay establishments with blue discharges. As many of these men faced ostracism from their communities and families, they chose to remain in the city. The number of men that remained was a significant factor in the creation of a homosexual community in San Francisco. 
Gay activism in San Francisco Edit
In 1951, the California Supreme Court affirmed in Stoumen v. Reilly  the right of homosexuals to assemble peacefully.  To assist homosexuals with legal problems, in 1951 labor activist Harry Hay started the Mattachine Foundation from his living room in Los Angeles.  Two years later, the Mattachine Society had expanded to several cities through the organizational skills of Chuck Rowland and under the leadership of less radical leaders Ken Burns in Los Angeles, Hal Call in San Francisco, and Curtis Dewees, Joe McCarthy, and Tony Segura in New York, and Prescott Townsend of Boston.   A few years later, Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin started the Daughters of Bilitis with six other women in San Francisco, initially to have a place to socialize without fear of harassment or arrest.  Within a few years, both organizations learned of each other and grew to have similar goals: helping assimilate homosexuals into general society, working for legal reform to repeal sodomy laws, and assisting those who were arrested. Both groups were headquartered in San Francisco by 1957, where The Ladder was edited by Lyon & Martin while The Mattachine Review was edited by Hal Call--both of which were printed by Call's Pan Graphic Press.  
Police continued to arrest homosexuals in large numbers, routinely bringing paddy wagons to gay bars and arresting their patrons. Charges were usually dismissed but those arrested often lost their anonymity when newspapers printed their names, addresses and places of employment. Officers also notified the employer and family of the accused, causing serious damage to their reputations. 
In 1964, a New Year's Eve benefit event was held for the Council on Religion and the Homosexual. Police stood outside with large floodlights, and in an effort to intimidate took photographs of anyone entering the building. Later, several officers demanded that they be allowed inside. Three lawyers explained to them that under California law, the event was a private party and they could not enter unless they bought tickets. The lawyers were then arrested.  Several ministers who were in attendance held a press conference the next morning, likening the SFPD to the Gestapo. Even the Catholic archbishop strongly condemned the actions of the police. In an attempt to reduce such harassment two officers were tasked with improving the police department's relationship with the gay community. 
The Mattachine Society and Daughters of Bilitis promoted non-confrontational education for homosexuals and heterosexuals, hoping to prove that homosexuals were respectable and normal. Living beyond the mostly white, middle class scope of these groups was an active community of cross-dressers, hustlers, and "street queens" who worked primarily in the Tenderloin district of the city. After being denied service at Gene Compton's Cafeteria, a few activists picketed the restaurant in 1966. A few days later, early in the morning, the police arrived to arrest patrons in drag. A riot ensued when a drag queen threw the contents of a cup of coffee in the face of a police officer in response to the officer's grabbing of her arm. The cafe's plate glass windows were shattered in the melée, and then again a few days later after they had been replaced.  Although three years later the Stonewall Riots would have a more significant impact, the Compton's Cafeteria riots were among the first in American history where homosexuals and the newly forming transgender community fought against the authorities. [note 1]
Political clout Edit
San Francisco continued to grow as a haven for homosexuals. North Beach and Polk Street had been quiet neighborhoods each with a large homosexual population, but in the 1960s the growth of the Castro District outpaced either of them. Thousands of gay men migrated to San Francisco, turning the quiet Irish working-class neighborhood around Castro Street into a bustling center of activity.  Meanwhile, many lesbians moved their homes and businesses to nearby Valencia Street in the Mission District.  New Yorker Harvey Milk resettled on Castro Street in 1972, and opened Castro Camera the following year. Dissatisfied with the level of bureaucratic apathy and indifference toward the gay community, Milk decided to run for city supervisor. Through his multiple campaigns, culminating in his 1977 election, he became the political voice for the gay community, promoting himself as the "Mayor of Castro Street."  By 1977, 25 percent of the population of San Francisco was reported to be gay. 
On Labor Day of 1974, tensions between the gay community and the SFPD came to a head when a man was beaten and arrested while walking down Castro Street. Police reinforcements suddenly appeared on the street, their badge numbers hidden, and beat dozens of gay men. Of these, 14 were arrested and charged with obstructing a sidewalk.  Harvey Milk dubbed them the "Castro 14", and a $1.375 million lawsuit was filed against the police. 
In 1975, after George Moscone had been elected Mayor, he appointed Charles Gain as his Chief of Police. Gain, whose conciliatory position towards African Americans had branded him as one of the most liberal law enforcement officers in the country, soon earned the ire of the police force.  Gain implemented policies that proved unpopular with his staff, such as painting police cars powder blue, and barring officers from drinking on the job. His lenient policies towards gays also angered the police force. When asked what he would do if a gay police officer came out, Gain replied "I certainly think that a gay policeman could be up front about it under me. If I had a gay policeman who came out, I would support him 100 percent."  This statement sent shock waves through the police department, and made national headlines. Made during the first week of Gain's tenure, the remark also made Mayor Moscone extremely unpopular with the police.  The two were so intensely disliked by the police that in 1977 rumors circulated about a plan by right-wing police officers to assassinate Gain,  and a year later similar plans formed targeting Mayor Moscone.  Upon being informed of this threat, Moscone hired a bodyguard. [ citation needed ]
Dissatisfied with city politics, and in financial difficulty due to his failing restaurant business and low annual salary of $9,600, former police officer and Supervisor Dan White resigned from the San Francisco Board of Supervisors on November 10, 1978.  However, after a meeting with the Police Officers' association and the Board of Realtors, White announced that he wanted his seat back. Liberal Supervisors saw this as an opportunity to end the 6-5 split on the Board that blocked progressive initiatives they wanted to introduce. After intense lobbying by Supervisors Milk and Silver, as well as State Assemblyman Willie Brown, Moscone announced on November 26, 1978, that he would not be reappointing Dan White to the seat he had vacated.   
The next morning White went to City Hall armed with his police .38 Smith & Wesson revolver and 10 extra cartridges in his coat pocket. To avoid the metal detector he entered the building through a basement window, and proceeded to the office of Mayor George Moscone. Following a brief argument, White shot the Mayor in the shoulder and chest, and then twice in the head.  White then walked to his former office, reloading his gun, and asked Milk to join him. White then shot Milk in the wrist, shoulder and chest, and then twice in the head. Supervisor Dianne Feinstein heard the gunshots and called the police, who found Milk on his stomach, bleeding out from his head wounds. 
Dan White verdict Edit
On May 21, 1979, White was found guilty of the voluntary manslaughter of Mayor Moscone and Supervisor Milk.  The prosecutor asked for a finding of first-degree murder with "special circumstances", which would have permitted the death penalty under the terms of a recently adopted capital punishment law in California, Proposition 7.  The "special circumstances" alleged in this case were that Mayor Moscone had been killed in order to block the appointment of someone to fill the City Supervisor seat from which Dan White had resigned, and also that multiple people were killed. 
White's sentence was reduced due in part to the so-called Twinkie defense, a judgment that provoked outrage in the community. The "Twinkie" defense was presented by a psychiatrist to the jury, stating that White had a diminished capacity due to depression. The copious amounts of junk food White consumed are cited as a symptom of his mental state.  The jury heard a tape recording of White's confession, which consisted of highly emotional ranting about the pressure he was under, and members of the jury wept in sympathy for the defendant.  White represented the "old guard" of San Francisco, who were wary of the influx of minority groups into the city and represented a more conservative, traditional view that the more liberal forces in the city, like Moscone and Milk, were perceived to be eroding.  Members of the San Francisco Police and Fire Departments raised more than $100,000 to defend White and some wore shirts reading "Free Dan White," which earned the anger of the gay community.   He received a conviction for the least serious offense, voluntary manslaughter, and was sentenced to seven years and eight months in Soledad prison.  With good behavior he had the chance to be released after serving two-thirds of his sentence, about five years.  Upon hearing the verdict, District Attorney Joseph Freitas, Jr., said "It was a wrong decision. The jury was overwhelmed by emotions and did not sufficiently analyze the evidence that this was deliberate, calculated murder."  In defense of his client, White's attorney Douglas Schmidt stated that White "is filled with remorse and I think he's in a very bad condition." 
White would later confirm that the killings were premeditated. In 1984, he told former police Inspector Frank Falzon that not only had he planned to kill Moscone and Milk, but also had plans to kill Assemblyman Willie Brown and Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver. He believed that the four politicians were attempting to block his reinstatement as Supervisor.   Falzon quoted White as having said, "I was on a mission. I wanted four of them. Carol Ruth Silver, she was the biggest snake . and Willie Brown, he was masterminding the whole thing." 
March through the Castro Edit
When told of the verdict, Milk's friend and activist Cleve Jones addressed an audience of about 500 people that had gathered on Castro Street, telling them of the verdict. With shouts of "Out of the bars and into the streets" Jones led a crowd down Castro street, its numbers bolstered by people emerging from each bar.  The crowd circled around and marched through the Castro again, by now numbering about 1,500 people. 
In a 1984 interview, Jones gave a voice to the feeling in the crowd as they began to group together on Castro Street after news of the verdict spread, stating, "The rage in people's face—I saw people I'd known for years, and they were so furious. That to me was the scariest thing. All these people I'd know from the neighborhood, boys from the corner, these people I'd ridden the bus with, just out there, screaming for blood." 
Violence at City Hall Edit
By the time the crowd reached City Hall its numbers had increased to over 5,000. Protesters shouted slogans such as "Kill Dan White!" and "Dump Dianne!", a reference to Mayor Dianne Feinstein.  [note 2] The handful of police officers on duty at the scene were uncertain about how to deal with the situation, and the Police Department, which was unaccustomed to an angry gay crowd, was similarly uncertain of how to proceed.   The protesters were convinced that the police and prosecution had conspired to avoid a severe sentence for White, although Prosecutor Thomas Norman denied this repeatedly until his death. 
Members of the crowd tore gilded ornamental work from the building's wrought iron doors and then used it to break first floor windows. Several of Harvey Milk's friends monitored and attempted to hold back the crowd, including Milk's long term partner Scott Smith.  A formation of police appeared on the north side of the Civic Center Plaza, and those attempting to hold back the mob sat down, grateful for the reinforcements. The officers however did not restrain themselves to holding back the crowd, and instead attacked them with night sticks. 
One young man kicked and smashed the window of a police car, lit a pack of matches, and set the upholstery on fire. After burning for a short time, the fuel tank exploded a dozen more police cars and eight other automobiles would be destroyed in a similar fashion. The photo on the front cover of the Dead Kennedys 1980 album Fresh Fruit for Rotting Vegetables, which shows several police cars on fire, was taken that night. Several crowd members threw tear gas, which they had stolen from police vehicles.    Riots began to break out, with one mob disrupting traffic. Electric trollies were disabled when their overhead wires were pulled down, and violence broke out against the police officers, who were outnumbered. Police Chief Charles Gain, standing inside City Hall, ordered officers not to attack and to simply stand their ground. 
Mayor Feinstein and Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver addressed the demonstrators in an attempt to defuse the situation. Mayor Feinstein said that she had received news of the verdict "with disbelief", and Supervisor Silver stated, "Dan White has gotten away with murder. It's as simple as that."  Silver was injured when struck by a flying object.  More than 140 protesters were also injured. 
Police retaliation Edit
After nearly three hours of shouts from the angry crowd, officers moved in to quell the riot. Police reportedly covered their badges with black tape—preventing any identification—and attacked rioters. Dozens of police officers swept into the crowd, using tear gas to force protesters away from the building. Police were surprised at the resistance they faced from the protesters, who attempted to push them back using tree branches, chrome torn off city buses, and asphalt ripped from the street, as weapons. As one man ignited the last police car he shouted to a reporter "Make sure you put in the paper that I ate too many Twinkies."  Sixty officers were injured, and about two dozen arrests were made.   
The second stage of the violence was a police raid/riot hours later in the predominantly gay Castro neighborhood, which vandalized the Elephant Walk bar and injured many of its occupants.  After order was restored at City Hall, SFPD cars carrying dozens of officers headed into the Castro District.  Officers entered a gay bar called the Elephant Walk, despite their orders not to do so. They shouted "dirty cocksuckers" and "sick faggots", shattered the large plate glass windows of the bar, and attacked patrons. After 15 minutes police withdrew from the bar and joined other officers who were indiscriminately attacking gays on the street. The incident lasted nearly two hours.    
When Police Chief Charles Gain heard about the unauthorized Elephant Walk raid, he immediately went to the location and ordered his men to leave. Later that night, freelance reporter Michael Weiss saw a group of police officers celebrating at a downtown bar. "We were at City Hall the day [the killings] happened and we were smiling then," one officer explained. "We were there tonight and we're still smiling." 
At least 61 police officers and an estimated 100 members of the public were hospitalized in the course of the riot.   A civil grand jury convened to find out who ordered the attack, but it ended inconclusively with a settlement covering personal injury claims and damages.  
The next morning gay leaders convened in a committee room in the Civic Center. Supervisor Harry Britt, who had replaced Milk, along with members of the Harvey Milk Democratic Club, made it clear that nobody was to apologize for the riots. Britt informed a press conference, "Harvey Milk's people do not have anything to apologize for. Now the society is going to have to deal with us not as nice little fairies who have hairdressing salons, but as people capable of violence. We're not going to put up with Dan Whites anymore."  Reporters were surprised that a public official would condone the violent acts of the previous night, expecting an apology from Britt. Subsequent attempts to find a gay leader who would give an apologetic statement proved unsuccessful. 
That evening, May 22, would have been the 49th birthday of Harvey Milk. City officials had considered revoking the permit for a rally planned for that night, but decided against it for fear of sparking more violence. Officials stated that the rally could channel the community's anger into something positive. Police from San Francisco and its neighboring towns were placed on alert by Mayor Feinstein, and Cleve Jones coordinated contingency plans with the police, and trained 300 monitors to keep an eye on the crowd. Approximately 20,000 people gathered on Castro and Market streets, where the mood was "angry, but subdued." Officers monitored the crowd from a distance,   however the crowd engaged in a peaceful celebration of Milk's life. Attendees danced to popular disco songs, drank beer, and sang a tribute to Milk.  
On the same night, for over three hours about a hundred people held a demonstration at Sheridan Square in Manhattan, to protest the verdict. About 20 officers observed the protest, which began at 8 pm, but no arrests were made. A candlelight vigil was planned for two days later, sponsored by the Coalition for Lesbian and Gay Rights and the National Gay Task Force. 
On October 14, 1979, between 75,000 and 125,000 people marched on Washington for gay rights. Many carried portraits of Milk, and placards honoring his legacy.  The rally, something that Milk had intended to organize, was instead a tribute to his life.
Dan White was released from prison on January 14, 1984 after serving five years of a seven-year, eight-month sentence. On the evening following his release, 9,000 people marched down Castro street and burned his effigy. State authorities reportedly feared an assassination attempt, and in response Scott Smith urged people not to retaliate with violence. He stated, "Harvey was against the death penalty. He was a nonviolent person." 
White committed suicide by carbon monoxide poisoning on October 21, 1985. He connected a rubber hose to his car's exhaust system and routed it to the interior of the vehicle, which he let fill with carbon monoxide. Mayor Feinstein said, "This latest tragedy should close a very sad chapter in this city's history."  According to Orange County lawyer Jeff Walsworth, White had expressed remorse for the killings in February 1984. White reportedly stated that it would always cause him inner turmoil.  Inspector Falzone said the contrary, however, commenting that at no time did White express remorse in any form at the deaths of Moscone and Milk. 
The community had a long history of conflict with the San Francisco Police Department. Following World War II, gay bars were subject to frequent raids and attempts by the California Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control to revoke their alcohol licenses.  They were accused of serving alcohol to homosexuals, a criminal act at the time. [ citation needed ]
The growing political and economic power of the city's gay community conflicted with the established but dwindling numbers of the conservative institutions, such as the police and fire departments. By 1971, police were arresting an average of 2,800 men per year on public sex charges by contrast, 63 such arrests were made in New York City, although up to a quarter of San Francisco was reported to be gay at the time.   Many charges were dismissed due to entrapment, but several men were given harsh sentences. [ citation needed ] In March, 1979, an attack on a lesbian bar by off-duty police officers made the national news and highlighted the tension between the LGBT community and police.  The Washington Post cited the incident when it reported a week before the White Night riots that anti-homosexual violence had "increased to a level unparalleled in San Francisco's recent history", including what the gay community perceived as "increasing harassment and abuse directed toward homosexuals by the police themselves," as well as indifference by city officials. 
When Dan White was found guilty of involuntary manslaughter, his successful diminished capacity defense enraged the gay community.  That the police and fire departments had raised money for his defense gave their anger a focus, turning it against the city government and especially the SFPD. 
Effects on San Francisco politics Edit
With the 1979 municipal elections occurring only months after the riot, prominent gay leaders feared a backlash at the polls.  The elections continued without incident, and the gay community fared better than expected, wielding unprecedented influence. Although the virtually unknown gay Mayoral candidate David Scott finished third in the election, his showing was strong enough to force Mayor Feinstein into a runoff election against conservative City Supervisor Quentin Kopp. Feinstein's promises to appoint more gay people to public office, and her heavy campaigning in the Castro, ensured that she won enough support from the gay community to give her a full term as Mayor. 
One of Mayor Feinstein's first actions upon being elected was to announce the appointment of Cornelius Murphy as the new Chief of Police. Murphy declared that police cars would no longer be colored powder blue, but instead would be repainted as "macho black-and-whites."  This pleased the rank and file, and restored confidence in police leadership.  Murphy also vowed to maintain the progressive policy towards gays that his predecessor had implemented. By 1980, one in seven new police recruits was either gay or lesbian.  In one of his last public appearances, outgoing Police Chief Charles Gain stated that he fully expected to see the day when San Francisco would have both a gay mayor and Chief of Police.  By October 1985, an organization for gay law enforcement personnel in California, the Golden State Peace Officers Association, had incorporated as a non-profit organization.  It was founded by Art Roth, an Oakland police officer who was present on the night of the riots. 
Thirty years after the announcement of Dan White's guilty verdict, the Supreme Court of California prepared their decision on Strauss v. Horton. The case was an attempt to overturn Proposition 8, which had added the statement "Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California" to Article I, section 7.5 of the California State Constitution.  This ballot initiative, which was approved in 2008, eliminated the right of same-sex couples to marry in the state. 
In late May 2009, while the Court was preparing its announcement, rumors surfaced on the Internet that San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom had asked the court not to announce the decision on May 21.    They suggested that he made this request so that the announcement would not coincide with the 30th anniversary of the White Night riots. On May 26, the court upheld the validity of Proposition 8, but ruled that the 18,000 marriages that had already been performed would remain valid.  In 2013, same-sex marriage again became legal when that voter initiative was ruled unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court in Hollingsworth v. Perry. 
Effects on the AIDS movement Edit
Cleve Jones played a major role in the investigation of the riots, and had since become a prominent activist. He dropped out of school to work as a legislative consultant to California State Assembly Speakers Leo McCarthy and Willie Brown.   He also spent time organizing political campaigns. In 1981, while working as a consultant to the California State Assembly Health Committee, he became aware of gay men in San Francisco contracting unusual diseases, such as Kaposi's sarcoma. The gay community was eventually seriously affected by the AIDS epidemic, and Jones became a key AIDS activist. Jones co-founded the Kaposi's Sarcoma Research & Education Foundation, which in 1982 became the San Francisco AIDS Foundation.  On November 27, 1985, at a candlelight vigil on the anniversary of the Moscone-Milk assassinations, Jones learned that 1,000 people had died of AIDS. He proposed the creation of a quilt, in remembrance of those who had died.  In 1987, Jones, by then HIV-positive himself, launched the NAMES Project AIDS Memorial Quilt.  As of 2009, the quilt consists of over 44,000 individual panels.  In a 2004 interview, Jones said "I thought, what a perfect symbol what a warm, comforting, middle-class, middle-American, traditional-family-values symbol to attach to this disease that's killing homosexuals and IV drug users and Haitian immigrants, and maybe, just maybe, we could apply those traditional family values to my family." 
Help Keep The Riot Room ALIVE!
COVID19 has been very hard on everyone in the arts industry specifically, including us at The Riot Room. For 13 years and counting we have nestled ourselves into the hearts of the Kansas City music community and abroad with vast intentions on spreading the best in music, art and culture. Thanks to all of you we have succeeded. We are very proud of what we and our team have accomplished throughout the years, and could not have done it without the AMAZING community around us. It truly has been a pleasure to drink a beer with you, book your favorite band or artist, dance with you to the music, or just flat out discuss music for hours on end.
With the future still being uncertain, and as we near the winter season, it’s become increasingly difficult to keep this ship that many of us call home, afloat. Like The Riot Room, music venues across the nation have worked tirelessly for months on end to secure support and funding to sustain these trying times. While the efforts have brought so many amazing people in the arts together, there’s been no real financial avail… unfortunately, many of us will close…. Way too many already have…
We are eternally grateful to all of you for the support throughout all of these years, and especially during these very unpredictable, and challenging times. So many people from all corners of the world have reached out to check in on us or to tell us a story about their “Riot Room experience”. It’s beyond humbling to know that we’ve had such a unique opportunity to touch the lives of so many people. You are important… your stories are important… music, art, culture… it’s all so important. Many of you have asked how you can help, how you can support, and what can be done to protect places like The Riot Room. Continue buying merchandise, continue checking out live streams, contribute what you can, when/if you can. Unfortunately, the bills keep piling up, and there’s no clear vision as to when everything will be normal again so everything helps at this point.
Keep the music in your heart and soul and support whenever & whomever you can if you’re able. Stay safe… and BE EXCELLENT TO EACH OTHER!
After an unruly passenger was escorted off a flight, an officer identified him as a Capitol rioter.
Two days after the riot at the Capitol, a man was making such a ruckus aboard a plane on the tarmac at Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport that the crew turned the flight around in order to escort him off.
It was a U-turn that quickly brought him to the attention of the authorities.
The man, John Lolos, had been shouting “Trump 2020!” and disturbing his fellow passengers, according to a court filing. An airport police officer was alerted to his arrival back at the gate, where he would await another flight.
About 45 minutes later, that same officer was scrolling through his personal Instagram feed and spied a video that appeared to show Mr. Lolos exiting the Capitol on the day of the attack, according to an affidavit from a Capitol Police special agent. Mr. Lolos was wearing the same shirt he had on at the airport and was waving a red “Trump 2020 Keep America Great” flag that was hooked to an America flag, according to the affidavit.
“We stopped the vote!” an individual on the video says. According to the special agent’s account, Mr. Lolos replies, “We did it, yeah!”
With that, Mr. Lolos joined the scores of people who have been identified through social media videos as participants in the Jan. 6 riot. As law enforcement officials scour the internet, Instagram and other social media sites have become a key tool to identify those who stormed the Capitol and to charge them with federal crimes.
When the airport officer realized that the unruly passenger appeared to be a participant in the riot, he alerted other officials. Law enforcement officials detained Mr. Lolos, brought him to a holding room at the airport and placed him under arrest.
Amid an inventory of his property during the arrest, a Capitol Police special agent found the flags that appeared in the video, still connected.
Go to the motel room
Only available if you told Lizzy “It’s worse”.
Some time later (random, varies from player to player), Lizzy will call you again. This reactivates the Violence quest. Just keep doing other activities and skip time in between. It can take a few hours of actual game progression before you get this call, it’s just random when exactly. Lizzy will want you to come back to the No-Tell Motel, same room where you met her earlier. Go back there.
New name & space, but the beers haven’t changed. And that’s a good thing at Liquid Riot Bottling Company
The craft beer revolution is big business. And with big business come lawsuits. Case in point, earlier this year Lagunitas Brewing Company threatened suit against Sierra Nevada Brewing because of the way the latter presented the letters IPA on their packaging of, you guessed it, an IPA. This is just one example of the many brewery-on-brewery legal battles being fought in this country.
Like the great American philosopher Puff Daddy once said, “Mo money, mo problems.”
If the craft beer scene could speak, it would holler, “Preach it, Diddy.”
In January, a Maine microbrewery experienced some of the pain that comes with a free market chugging at full speed. The Commercial Street brewery, distillery, and restaurant, In’finiti Fermentation and Distillation, ran into a trademark issue with their name when a South Burlington, Vermont brewery opened with the name Infinity Brewing.
Instead of lawyering up, In’finiti became Liquid Riot Bottling Company.
Around the time Liquid Riot announced the name change, they also renovated their Commercial Street space, taking down the booths on the raised platform that took up the majority of their space. The idea was to create a tasting room vibe.
On a blustery day in March, I head to Liquid Riot to experience the new name and the new space for myself.
What first strikes me as I approach Liquid Riot is that the outside of the building is still plastered with the infinity symbol both on the large wooden sign above the door and on the stack of six oak barrels on their stoop. There doesn’t seem to be a sense of urgency to change their name to Liquid Riot as far as signage goes.
When I enter the newly renovated space, all branding confusion is alleviated as my eyes feast on the big open space. Forget that In’finiti is now Liquid Riot, it’s a moot point when you realize how much better this establishment is now that they’ve leveled out the room.
The wildest part: I really liked the space they had before, but somehow, it feels better now. Standing in the new room and cradling a pint of citrusy I.P.A.wesome Vol. III, I realize how claustrophobic the old setup made me feel. The room breathes better now. The energy flows.
Despite the new name and space, the beers haven’t changed. And that’s a good thing. When people ask me where they should go for a beer in Portland, Liquid Riot is one of the first beer rooms that comes to mind, because they brew an array of styles from American ales, to Belgian farmhouse ales, to stouts and porters.
On my March visit, I sampled a number of offerings. The Irish Goodbye Stout is a full-bodied homage to Guinness. The pilNZ drinks like an India Pale Lager with a sharp pilsner finish. The Lumber Smack DIPA is a malt heavy, bitter imperial IPA. Those are three very different styles, and they were all well crafted. That’s no small feat.
Liquid Riot remains one of the best rooms in Portland to drink local beer. The renovation was a success, they installed a shuffleboard table, and soon the back deck will be open. Enjoy the riot.
Of inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint
With overwhelming bi-partisan support, Congress approved a 9/11 commission almost 20 years ago. This past week House Republicans decisively opposed a commission to investigate the deadly mob assault on the Capitol Jan. 6.
The House Republican caucus was conservative back then there were maybe a handful of crazies. The current caucus is also conservative, but there are literally dozens of mean-spirited whackos who shape the agenda on matters like a 1/6 commission.
There are two reasons behind the opposition. One is that an honest inquiry might further implicate Donald Trump Donald TrumpMichigan governor apologizes after photo shows her violating state's health order Cheney dodges on link between Trump election claims and GOP voting laws Biden adviser says reducing red meat isn't sole climate change solution MORE 's incitement of the assault. The other is that House Republican leader Kevin McCarthy Kevin McCarthyCollins 'optimistic' Jan. 6 commission can pass Senate with modifications Bipartisanship is dead — Republicans killed it Of inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint MORE (R-Calif.) could be caught in lies about what he said and did that day.
Incredibly there are more than a handful of House Republicans empathetic to the mob that assaulted the Capitol.
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene Marjorie Taylor GreeneGOP efforts to downplay danger of Capitol riot increase The Memo: What now for anti-Trump Republicans? Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene says she's meeting with Trump 'soon' in Florida MORE (R-Ga.), the QAnon conspiracy loving newcomer, complained that the arrested protesters are being "abused." Greene, who is so extreme that she is denied any committee assignment, may be the craziest in the caucus — but she is not alone.
The rejoinder is, ‘Okay, both have their fringes.’ Some Democrats, led by the left-wing “squad” and a few veterans like House Banking Committee Chair Rep. Maxine Waters Maxine Moore WatersOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Juan Williams: Tim Scott should become a Democrat The Hill's Morning Report - Biden address to Congress will dominate busy week MORE (D-Calif.), have views and engage in rhetoric that are ill-advised and/or naive: defunding the police, a single payer national health insurance plan, end immigration enforcement, etc.
A few, like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio Cortez (D-N.Y.), can be formidable when not on an ideological jihad. However outside the mainstream some of these left-wingers may be, they are not dangerous and usually don't threaten violence.
Greene has suggested Speaker Nancy Pelosi Nancy PelosiDemocrats seize on GOP opposition to Jan. 6 commission Of inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Former GOP senator says Jan. 6 commission 'should be a no brainer" MORE (D-Calif.) should be shot in the head for treason, compared a congressional mask mandate for the unvaccinated to what Jews suffered in the Holocaust, and recently went after AOC in a shouting tirade. With her, fellow freshmen have swelled the loony ranks. Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.), recently claimed the Jan. 6 mob of Trump supporters behaved in an "orderly fashion," and looked like a "normal tourist visit." In reality, the mob stormed the Capitol, literally broke onto the Senate floor, ransacked offices — and five people died.
The heat-packing Rep. Lauren Boebert Lauren BoebertBiden adviser says reducing red meat isn't sole climate change solution Of inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Tulsi Gabbard on Chicago mayor's decision to limit media interviews to people of color: 'Anti-white racism' MORE (R-Colo.) has apparently tried to bring her gun onto the House floor. She is not alone.
These new Trumpites are joining like-minded veterans, a sampling:
Rep. Clay Higgins Glen (Clay) Clay HigginsOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Lawmakers press AbbVie CEO on increased US prices of two drugs READ: The Republicans who voted to challenge election results MORE (R-La.) threatened to shoot Black Lives Matter protestors: "Have your affairs in order. I wouldn't even spill my beer. I'd drop any ten of you." He complained when Facebook took down his violent threat. The Black Lives Matter protest was peaceful.
Rep. Louis Gohmert (R-Texas) specializes in incendiary insults and bigotry. In opposing gays and lesbians in the military, the Texas lawmaker, apparently drawing on his historical knowledge, claimed that gays and lesbians are into "massages," which makes them unfit for battle.
Rep. Andy Harris Andrew (Andy) Peter HarrisOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Fourth House GOP lawmaker issued ,000 metal detector fine GOP doctors in Congress release video urging people to get vaccinated MORE (R-Md.) got so intense in parroting Trump's lies that the election was stolen that he apparently threatened fisticuffs on the House floor. Fortunately for him it, was avoided. A Democrat stepped in: Colin Allred, a former National Football League player.
Rep. Paul Gosar Paul Anthony GosarOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint GOP efforts to downplay danger of Capitol riot increase Porter blasts oil CEOs: 'Declined to answer to the American people' MORE (R-Ariz.) falsely charged that the white nationalist Charlottesville violence was started by an "Obama supporter," and, in a detestable lie, charged that Hungarian born liberal philanthropist George Soros, who is Jewish, "turned in his own people to the Nazis" in World War II. Six of Gosar's brothers and sisters charged he was unfit for office he dismissed them as disgruntled leftists, adding "Stalin would be proud."
Rep. Matt Gaetz Matthew (Matt) GaetzOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Gaetz's ex-girlfriend cooperating with federal investigation: report New name emerges in Gaetz investigation MORE (R-Fla.), one of Trump's chief defenders in the House, has associated with the Proud Boys, a militant white nationalist group involved in the Capitol carnage. He currently is under investigation for alleged sex trafficking with underage girls a close political associate has pled guilty and reportedly is providing evidence against the lawmaker.
Rep. Mo Brooks Morris (Mo) Jackson BrooksOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint Democrat moves to censure three Republicans for downplaying Jan. 6 Republicans embrace Trump in effort to reclaim Senate MORE (R-Ala.) has done a 180 turn on morality and politics. Five years ago, expressing disgust at Trump's philandering, his "character flaws" and lack of integrity, he seemed to be a Never Trumper. A year later, Brooks supported Alabama Senate candidate Roy Moore Roy Stewart MooreOf inmates and asylums: Today's House Republicans make the John Birchers look quaint The Hill's Morning Report - Biden assails 'epidemic' of gun violence amid SC, Texas shootings Trump faces test of power with early endorsements MORE , who was credibly charged with sexual assault. On Jan. 6 he spoke to the Trump protesters before they descended on the Capitol: "Today is the day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass." He now is running for the Senate in Alabama.
None of this has to do with taxes, national security, abortion or any other traditional conservative Republican position. It has a lot to do with vitriol and hate.
The House, a microcosm of the country, always has had some far-out types. There were John Birchers, communist sympathizers, peddlers of weird conspiracies. But they were a small pack, often isolated.
Today's unhinged House Republicans are a much larger contingent, wielding a lot more clout.
Al Hunt is the former executive editor of Bloomberg News. He previously served as reporter, bureau chief and Washington editor for the Wall Street Journal. For almost a quarter century he wrote a column on politics for The Wall Street Journal, then The International New York Times and Bloomberg View. He hosts Politics War Room with James Carville. Follow him on Twitter @AlHuntDC.
Bank Of America Stadium To Feature NoDa Brewing in 2019
In the early days of NoDa Brewing in 2011, Suzie and Todd Ford were spending long hours each day ensuring that every beer they brewed was delicious, that every guest they served was happy and every keg was filled to the brim. So in order to ensure that they got at least a semblance of a break, they turned to one of their favorite pastimes – watching the Carolina Panthers.
“I’m cheap,” laughed Suzie Ford, recalling what led the co-owner of one of the most successful breweries in North Carolina to buy season tickets. “Knowing if we spent money on something we would for sure go, so we got season tickets and I think we’ve [only] missed one game in the past seven or eight years since we’ve had them.”
“It was kind of the perfect date night for us – or date day.”
And now the Fords, along with the rest of Panthers fans at Bank of America Stadium, will get to enjoy their local brews each week as NoDa Brewing is coming back to the home of the Panthers for the first time since 2016.
“Todd and I are huge Panthers fans – we go to away games, we’re going to London and now it’s going to be wonderful to be able to drink Hop, Drop N Roll, Jam Session and Roaring Riot in the stands again and celebrate with the Roaring Riot at the stadium.”
To say the folks over at NoDa Brewing, who have partnered with the Roaring Riot to brew Roaring Riot Rye Pale Ale since 2016, are excited to partner with the Panthers for the upcoming 2019 season may be a bit of an understatement.
“Very excited – in bold and bright blue letters,” said Ford. “We love the Panthers, we love everything they stand for – and even moreso now with Mr. Tepper involved, he really is making the fan experience at the forefront and that’s how it should be.”
The Panthers, who announced a partnership with Coca-Cola Consolidated naming Coca-Cola the official soft drink of the Carolina Panthers in June, have already made changes under the ownership of David Tepper, from bringing new refreshments to the stadium to announcing the future move of the Panthers team headquarters to Rock Hill to simply building a practice bubble next to Bank of America Stadium for his team to utilize during inclement weather.
The partnership between NoDa Brewing and the Roaring Riot began with a personal relationship between Ringleader of the Roaring Riot Zack Luttrell and the Fords.
“NoDa is a great partner for us, and Todd and Suzie are always open to hearing any ideas we come up with for the Roaring Riot,” said Luttrell. “[In 2016], we jokingly pitched the idea that their next Rye beer should be the Roaring Rye-ot. Of course Suzie loved the idea and Chad came up with an awesome recipe.”
“We found kindred spirits in the Riot,” said Ford. “It just has grown bigger and better every year and then two years ago, when we brewed the Roaring Riot [Rye Pale Ale], I think it was a bit of a dream come true for both of us.”
Now fans will get to enjoy one of three beers offered during Panthers games – 2014 World Beer Cup® Gold Award Winner Hop, Drop ‘n Roll, Jam Session American Pale Ale and, of course, Roaring Riot Rye Pale Ale.
Ford says she’ll have a Roaring Riot Rye on her first trip to the stadium this upcoming season.
“Over the past two years, we’ve received a lot of emails, social media comments and private messages asking us when we’re going to be back in the stadium or where can they find us in the stadium.”
Three lawmakers who sheltered during Capitol attack test positive for Covid
Three lawmakers who had to shelter for safety during the US Capitol riot have tested positive for Covid-19.
Pramila Jayapal, a Democrat from Washington state, announced her positive result early on Tuesday, while chastising Republican colleagues who refused to wear masks while they waited in a secured room for more than five hours.
The New Jersey representative Bonnie Watson Coleman, also a Democrat, said she decided to get tested because of the possibility of exposure and tested positive. She also tweeted that she was receiving monoclonal antibody treatment – which is still being investigated – on the advice of her doctor. Coleman, 75, is a cancer survivor.
Later on Tuesday, Brad Schneider, another Democrat, from Illinois, announced he too had tested positive. “Today, I am now in strict isolation, worried that I have risked my wife’s health and angry at the selfishness and arrogance of the anti-maskers who put their own contempt and disregard for decency ahead of the health and safety of their colleagues and our staff,” he said in a statement on his website.
Dr Brian Monahan, the attending physician for Congress, had advised representatives and staff on Sunday that those in the secured room could have “been exposed to another occupant with coronavirus infection”.
I just received a positive COVID-19 test result after being locked down in a secured room at the Capitol where several Republicans not only cruelly refused to wear a mask but recklessly mocked colleagues and staff who offered them one.https://t.co/wVmgroKsdf&mdash Rep. Pramila Jayapal (@RepJayapal) January 12, 2021
Jayapal called for “serious fines” to be levied on the lawmakers who did not wear a mask, putting their colleagues at risk. Six Republicans, including the Georgia representative Marjorie Taylor Greene and Scott Perry of Pennsylvania, were seen on a tape refusing to accept a mask, according to CNN.
Jayapal and Coleman had received the first round of the Pfizer vaccine and were days away from the second. They join more than 222,000 Americans who have tested positive already this week as the virus continues to rage, according to Johns Hopkins University data. More than 376,000 people have died in the US since the pandemic started last year.
As hospitals try to fit overflowing patients into gift shops and chapels, public health officials are trying to rev up vaccine distribution. The Trump administration announced on Tuesday it would expand eligibility criteria for the vaccine to everyone above 65, rather than limiting the vaccine to essential workers and other specific groups.
In California, where 30,000 people have now died, the Disneyland resort is set to become a “super” Covid-19 vaccine site for Orange county, home to 3 million residents. In Florida, some counties are using the Eventbrite website – normally used for concerts or recreation – to sign people up for shots.
Just days from the presidential inauguration, many are waiting to see if Joe Biden’s coronavirus taskforce can make up for lost time in the rocky vaccine rollout.
The president-elect announced his team would release and distribute as many vaccines as possible when in power, which some critics say could delay the second round needed for maximum efficacy.
Political infighting over the virus does not seem to be going away with the Trump administration. Greene released a statement about her refusal to protect her colleagues last Wednesday.
“Congresswoman Greene is a healthy adult who tested negative for Covid at the White House just this week,” it said.
“She does not believe healthy Americans should be forced to muzzle themselves with a mask. America needs to reopen and get back to normal.”